Since the last oral question session, I visited Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories to press for a new dialogue and to reinforce the UK's commitment to a negotiated two-state solution. On 2 September, we launched the new Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to integrate our aid expertise and our diplomatic reach and to project global Britain as an even stronger force for good in the world.

My hon. Friend is absolutely right, and our staff continue to support Mr Yuen and his family during what must be a very distressing time. I can tell her and reaffirm that the United Kingdom's long-standing global position is to oppose corporal punishment in all circumstances and to call for the consideration of alternative sentences.

I obviously respect all the brilliant civil servants who work for us. I used to work as a Foreign Office lawyer myself. I can say to the hon. Lady that I am surprised she would open up this question. As we go through the uncertainty of changing our relationship with the EU, we will make sure that there is maximum certainty for businesses as regards the UK internal market, and of course we will legislate to that effect. Ultimately, we will take every measure necessary to protect the integrity of the United Kingdom and to comply with and live up to the Good Friday agreement, ensuring that it is respected.

I can tell the House that I had two conversations throughout August with Foreign Minister Zarif. We pursue all the cases of our dual nationals. The question of the International Military Services debt is a parallel issue, but we have always said that we would work to resolve that. As well as all the wider issues that have already been raised in relation to Iran, there is never an engagement, a meeting or a telephone conversation that goes by without our being absolutely clear—and I hope that the hon. Lady agrees—on the appalling and arbitrary detention of all dual nationals and calling for their immediate release.

I thank my hon. Friend and hugely welcome all his efforts in this regard. We are taking forward all these strands—from media freedom to the Magnitsky sanctions, to the work that we are doing on LGBT rights. He will know that we intend to build on our current official development assistance allocation for the strategic review on LGBT rights, which will be completed in the autumn. As a founding member of the Equal Rights Coalition of 42 states sharing the same values, in 2019 we took on the role of co-chair and we plan not only to deliver the first ever UK-led five-year action plan, committing the coalition to taking domestic and international measures on LGBT and equality issues, but to expand the ERC and, in particular, to try to draw in more participation from Asia, Latin America and Africa, for all the reasons that he mentioned.

The hon. Gentleman is right to point out that the UK has a comparative advantage internationally, with research that is going on at Oxford and Imperial in pursuit of the vaccine and the leadership that the Prime Minister showed at the Gavi summit to smash all the records and get $8.8 billion-worth of funding to ensure equitable access to the whole world. That is good for the United Kingdom—we do not want a second wave globally—and important as a matter of moral responsibility. On misinformation, we have discussed it in the G7 and plenty of other formats, and the hon. Gentleman is absolutely right that we must be rigorous and robust in rebutting false information, particularly when it is irresponsible about something such as vaccine safety standards.

The Government take the position that Select Committees ought to shadow Departments, but the representation is ultimately for the House to decide. The Independent Commission for Aid Impact provides scrutiny and accountability; its role will be reviewed to ensure it adds value with practical recommendations.

Covid has shown why we need to integrate our international efforts, but over time, there will be considerable savings on administrative costs as we streamline and combine previous Departments.

Given we have left the EU, having an operation overseas is curious. The UK has 280 overseas posts that represent all parts of the UK; Cornwall Council's decision on its own operations is ultimately for local voters to decide.

The hon. Gentleman's endeavour is exceptional; we want stronger relationships with that part of the world, and would be interested in receiving proposals directly to ensure either I or the Minister meets those involved.

The UK's position is clear: we want to see the continuation of the arms embargo. We offered our good offices to work with all permanent members of the Security Council, but ultimately unless the resolution can pass, it has no impact in restraining Iran.

We have serious concerns about gross human rights violations against Uyghurs and other minorities, including extrajudicial detention of over 1 million Uyghur Muslims. We are playing a leading role in holding China to account, led the UK with 27 countries at the UN Human Rights Council, and the Foreign Secretary has raised Xinjiang with his Chinese counterpart.

My hon. Friend will know that, along with our E3 colleagues, we have triggered the dispute resolution mechanism for the JCPOA on the nuclear side. It has always been the case that the JCPOA did not encompass the wider destabilising activities in which Iran engages in the region through militias and proxies, and we have always been open and willing, and indeed pressing, to try to incorporate a bigger agreement.

I share the hon. Lady's concern about the situation in Zimbabwe. We follow it carefully and engage with our international partners as well as directly with the Government of Zimbabwe. Working with our partners, we have the tools, if the evidence allows and we decide it is the right thing to do, to apply targeted sanctions on those who commit the most egregious human rights abuses.