Suggested that a no-fly zone is militarily feasible and could be enforced to protect civilians from air raids.

Asked what roles the international community, including Britain, should play in protecting people in safe havens.

Questioned whether a future Syrian Government could be both powerful and wise enough to govern peacefully and unify the country.

Praised Lebanon for its hospitality in educating refugee children, noting that more Syrian than Lebanese children are now educated in Lebanese state schools.

Asked if the use of air drops to deliver aid should be considered as a last resort has indeed failed, supporting Andrew Mitchell's stance on this issue.

Commended Mitchell for securing the debate and suggested that Russia could play a key role in delivering peace by adhering to international law and stopping its support for Assad.

Lucas agreed with Mitchell's call for a referral of Russia to the International Criminal Court but raised concerns about the risks involved in establishing a no-fly zone.

Djanogly supported Mitchell's case and questioned whether Britain should review its relationship with Russia given Russian actions in Syria, comparing it to allowing them to trade normally despite their war crimes.

McCartney agreed with establishing no-fly zones and suggested using British E-3 Sentry AWACS aircraft for surveillance and logging of war crimes by air forces.

Gapes called for a united, unambiguous condemnation from both the Government and Opposition Benches regarding Putin's actions in support of Assad in Aleppo.

Woodcock echoed Mitchell’s comparison to Nazi aggression during the Spanish civil war, warning that unless the UN acts decisively against Russia, it risks repeating the fate of the League of Nations.

Smith noted Russia's previous actions in Ukraine and Crimea, suggesting they indicate a state out of control that does not play by international rules. She stressed the need for concerted action against Russia.

Flello proposed the Government should lead on a debate to allow the House to formally express its views on Russia's behaviour in Aleppo and beyond, aiming for international recognition of Russian war crimes.

Jones brought up the recent signing of a gas pipeline deal between Erdogan and Putin, expressing concern over Turkey’s movement towards Russia.

Stewart noted that while establishing a no-fly zone is practical with good surveillance, it requires serious monitoring capabilities to be effective at low levels.

Bradshaw assured support for any measure to impose a no-fly zone and suggested meeting former Prime Minister John Major to explore experiences from the 1990s in imposing such zones.

Foster questioned whether Russian deployment of advanced surface-to-air missiles into Syria could target UK or allied military assets, expressing concern over potential threats to international peacekeeping efforts.

Mr Perkins added a question for the Foreign Secretary, asking if sanctions should be considered in light of Russia's hosting of the World Cup. He criticised the international community for not taking stronger action against Russia.

Mr Mitchell responded to Mr Perkins and reiterated his call for strong action, questioning whether the international community would be willing to explore every possible way of ending the barbarism in Syria.

Ms Thornberry paid tribute to Mr Mitchell's efforts and called for a ceasefire, negotiation, and holding parties responsible for crimes against humanity accountable. She emphasised the need to work with Russia despite the challenges.

Mr Bradshaw pointed out that previous ceasefires were destroyed by Russian and Syrian air power and called for a clear condemnation of these actions as war crimes.

Apologised for a misunderstanding with the right hon. Friend, re-emphasising that Russian actions can be seen as war crimes. She urged the Government to support French efforts to bring parties to international justice. Advocated for strong statesmanship rather than brinkmanship and detailed Staffan de Mistura's plan to isolate Jabhat Fateh al-Sham fighters from moderate rebels inside Aleppo. Called on the Foreign Secretary to lend support to this plan and persuade counterparts in France and US to do likewise. Asked about consistency in condemning Russia while continuing arms sales to Saudi Arabia for Yemen conflict.

Ordered speakers not to exceed seven minutes each to allow everyone the opportunity to speak.

Congratulated Mr Mitchell on his opening speech and thanked Emily Thornberry for her contribution. Pledged support to the Syrian National Coalition and High Negotiations Committee, recognising their consistent efforts for a democratic Syria despite long-term repression by the regime. Mentioned meeting with White Helmets in Gaziantep and praised their extraordinary work amidst chaos and disaster in Syria.

Asked Alistair Burt about whether the UN is doing enough to help Syrians, suggesting that if not, reforms might be necessary.

There may be international mechanisms that involve talk, but perhaps there are other things we can do. Assad knew exactly what he was doing when the revolt started in 2011; he wanted to create a narrative of providing stability against terrorism, which succeeded and allowed him to attack his people. In 2013, a chemical weapons attack on his people reached a nadir, but stepping back at that moment lost an opportunity to get Assad back to the negotiating table. Intervention has consequences, as does non-intervention; Syria has had intervention from Russia, Hezbollah, and Iran, which fuels terrorism in the future.

Inaction has consequences, and the consequences of inaction in 2013 are seen in Aleppo today.

The Government’s approach to Russia is concerning due to evidence that Russia is not targeting ISIS; the number of air strikes by Russian forces against ISIS has decreased, indicating a different agenda.

No-fly zones have not been secured because people are concerned about escalating tensions with Russia. However, carefully targeted strikes against the Assad regime’s military assets only could protect Syrian civilians and get the peace process back on track.

The situation in Aleppo is urgent and necessary to debate; over 1 million people have been killed since 2011. The Scottish National party has consistently called for a negotiated settlement and significant humanitarian intervention, warning that becoming part of the conflict would reduce UK’s ability to arbitrate resolution. We welcome humanitarian support but more needs to be done.

All want a negotiated end to problems in Syria, but America and allied forces’ timid approach has encouraged Russia’s escalation of military involvement and brutality.

The Scottish Government have continued to try to play a role, contributing up to £300,000 to the 1325 Fellowship programme. Peace in Syria seems as far away due to differing aims between Russia and the US regarding President Assad’s future role. The UK should seek to facilitate a peaceful settlement through UN support. More must be done independently or with allies to provide aid and explore no-fly zones if necessary. Aid needs to go into Aleppo, and long-term impacts of policies such as programme partnership arrangement funding withdrawal need to be considered.

Questioned Patrick Grady about the need for more effort in reaching out to religious minorities in Syria, noting that only 2% of Christian refugees have been accepted despite them constituting up to 12% of the Syrian population.

Agreed with Caroline Spelman's point and emphasised the need for support beyond physical requirements, including mental health support. Urged a rethink on military objectives and commitment to finding sustainable peace.

Congratulated Mr Mitchell for bringing the debate and expressed deep concern about the humanitarian situation in Aleppo, calling for clear signals from the House regarding unacceptable acts of Russian and Syrian forces. Asked Foreign Secretary to update on discussions with Russia’s Foreign Minister Lavrov and outlined concerns about the International Criminal Court's effectiveness.

Expressed worries that any action by the ICC would be hamstrung by Russia in the Security Council, drawing on his experience as a witness in five trials there.

Accepted Stephen Crabb's point but highlighted that one problem with the ICC is low membership from influential countries, suggesting an international lead might be needed to address this issue.

The Opposition spokeswoman makes an important point. Far too many countries have not signed up to the ICC, and a job for our diplomacy in the months and years ahead is to encourage buy-in to the court. Will my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary update us on any discussions that he has had with his French counterpart before the scheduled visit by President Putin to France next week, and on the need to ensure that there is a united stance by international allies when discussing the latest events in Syria? I welcome the business-like tone struck by the Prime Minister when she met President Putin at the beginning of September at the G20. It is right that our initial posture should be one of reaching out and seeking improved relations with Moscow, but one can be forgiven for thinking that Putin is taking the west, including us, for fools, in the belief that the distraction of a US presidential election and Brexit means that there is neither international interest nor resolve to try to stop the brutal and so far effective power play that he has undertaken in Syria. Aleppo is a litmus test of whether Russia wants to play a constructive role in the region and whether it is willing to work in collaboration with the international coalition to bring peace to Syria, acknowledging that its interests may be different in key respects. Unfortunately, the events of recent weeks demonstrate that it has failed that test and that its behaviour is not consistent with that of a responsible actor. It behaves instead like a thuggish gangster regime flouting international law at will. We can be business-like in our relations with Russia, but that does not mean business as usual when Russia behaves shamelessly in attacks on innocent civilians in Aleppo and then defeating attempts at the UN to secure some respite from the hostilities. The bombing campaign in Aleppo amounts to a war against children. Almost half of the casualties since the current attack began have been children, as bombs and mortars have landed on hospitals and broken through underground bunkers that sometimes also serve as schools. Last week, newspapers carried photographs of children playing in water-filled craters in the ground created by bombs and mortars—images, I suppose, of innocence amidst the conflict. The images that we should hold before us are others that we have seen in the past fortnight: the lifeless, dusty, broken-limbed bodies of children being removed—exhumed—from bombed-out buildings and piles of rubble. This is indeed a war against children. In conclusion, the point has been made several times this afternoon that there are no easy solutions. Indeed, my right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield described in some detail the complexity of the challenge before us. My right hon. Friend the Member for North East Bedfordshire made a really powerful point when he discussed the effort of will needed from the international community, with leadership from us, to show that there is a resolve to make progress and to hold Russia in particular to account for its actions, given its responsibilities as the key player at this moment in time in achieving respite from the bombings to secure an enforced ceasefire, including safe passage for humanitarian supplies while allowing room for a diplomatic process that might possibly stand a chance of achieving some lasting peace. We have heard practical suggestions this afternoon, such as having a no-fly zone and discussion of economic sanctions as a way of bringing more pressure to bear on Russia.

Ms. Ann Clwyd discussed the ongoing conflict in Syria, particularly focusing on Aleppo where thousands of Syrian civilians are at risk due to Russian and Syrian forces' assault. She emphasised the lack of humanitarian aid reaching rebel-held areas and highlighted the warnings from UN special envoy Staffan de Mistura about potential total destruction by Christmas. Ms. Clwyd also addressed reports of attacks on medical facilities, the impact of war on children's mental health, and the criticism towards Russia for alleged war crimes. She suggested several actions to protect civilians, including airdrops of aid, instituting no-fly zones, tracking aircraft responsible for bombing, and holding an emergency UN General Assembly meeting.

I pay tribute to the right hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield and my hon. Friend the Member for Wirral South for securing this important debate on the humanitarian situation in Syria, where 2 million people are living without water or electricity, and there are attacks on health facilities; 470,000 people have lost their lives, 8 million are internally displaced, and more than 4 million refugees. I welcome the UK's role in providing aid with £1.35 billion since 2012 but raise concerns about the Assad regime controlling aid deliveries to rebel-held areas. The International Development Committee recommended resettling 3,000 unaccompanied children; I urge an update on progress towards taking 3,000 vulnerable children and 20,000 vulnerable people under a resettlement scheme. Additionally, there are 70,000 Syrian refugees in the 'berm' between Syria and Jordan, and conditions there are dire.

The resettlement programme is stuck due to disagreements over funding between city authorities and the Government. Greater Manchester and Liverpool have made pledges to accept refugees but lack funding from the Government for first-year costs.

I agree with easing concerns of banks regarding compliance with counter-terrorism legislation to prevent delays in aid delivery. Turkey should be approached to ease restrictions on NGOs operating within its borders. The scale and urgency of the crisis require efficient use of resources, safe aid delivery, and exploring political processes.

The International Development Secretary's caution against inefficient spending to meet a 0.7% target is justified given the state of need in Syria and other parts of the world; however, efficient delivery of aid remains urgent.

Agreeing with Desmond Swayne's point, the scale of need should ensure that we can deliver the 0.7% target efficiently and effectively. Urgent action is needed for safe aid delivery, no-fly/no-bombing zones, airdrops, and exploring every option to end the civil war.

Agreeing that we must not wait for presidential elections in Syria; the situation requires immediate action such as sanctions against Russia to bring President Putin back to negotiations and start peace processes.

Concur with Stella Creasy's support for further sanctions against Russia, which should be held responsible for its role in Syria. This is a failure of the international system and a stain on humanity that requires redoubled efforts to bring peace.

Swayne questions the feasibility of implementing a no-fly zone in Syria, especially given the potential requirement to take down Russian planes.

McGovern responds that experts suggest a helicopter-only no-fly zone could significantly reduce civilian casualties and emphasises support for humanitarian aid efforts, the White Helmets rescue workers, and legal action against war crimes.

Moon asks McGovern to clarify the type of support being sought for the White Helmets, including technical help, donations, and medical equipment.

Thornberry clarifies that the French initiative aims to get an International Criminal Court prosecutor involved in prosecuting Syria or Russia for war crimes.

Robinson criticised the shadow Foreign Secretary for a lack of positive policy proposals regarding Syria. He emphasised the need for more statesmanship and less brinkmanship, highlighting Russia's actions that violate NATO principles. He also expressed concern over Turkey’s recent deal with Russia and questioned how NATO views this development.

Asked Robinson if he had seen the outcome of previous efforts in Homs, where a similar policy proposal saved lives. She implied that the proposed action for Aleppo could have similar results.

Responded to Thornberry's query by questioning her and her party’s approach towards appeasing terrorists, both in Northern Ireland and Syria. He urged the Government to consider establishing a no-fly zone despite the difficulty of such an action.

Agreed with Robinson's stance that significant political will is required for imposing sanctions, taking people to the ICC, and implementing no-fly zones against Russia. He emphasised the challenge of acting against a country like Russia.

Emphasised that although establishing a no-fly zone is not an easy option, it should be considered if it benefits Syria and the wider region. He urged for reassurance from the Foreign Secretary on how to proceed.

Critiqued the current state of democracy while praising Alison McGovern's role in continuing Jo Cox’s work. Described the 19 September bombing as a grotesque war crime by Russia and called for direct action against Russian attacks on humanitarian aid convoys. He proposed a no-bombing zone that targets regime infrastructure when atrocities occur, emphasising the need to stand up to Putin.

Asked Woodcock if he agreed with her view that Labour's proposal for engaging Syrians at various levels was impractical due to Aleppo’s deteriorating situation.

Responded by stating the lack of process in addressing Russia’s bombings, implying that time is running out. He challenged the Government and Foreign Secretary to act boldly or face irrelevance like Neville Chamberlain.

The debate should focus on the imminent mortal threat to 100,000 children in Syria. Urges prioritising addressing the humanitarian crisis over political processes and military action. Criticises delays in responding to the urgent situation. Emphasises the importance of saving lives by whatever means necessary.

Regrets that the House did not leave open the option for military action three years ago but welcomes today's debate as an opportunity to receive regular updates from the Government. Supports UK sanctions on Russia and urges clarity on discussions with peace process players. Questions the evidence of Russian war crimes and suggests recording flight paths of Russian planes online for transparency.

Congratulates the right hon. Member for securing debate on war crimes in Syria, supports referral of Russia to International Criminal Court citing evidence from US and France, acknowledges difficulties but argues UK should use its power to put pressure on Russia.

Apologises for lateness due to chairing committee meeting, discusses humanitarian crisis in Syria including displacement of people and refugee issues, emphasises need for UK to protect civilians from Assad regime and Russian intervention.

Asks if the hon. Lady agrees that what the Russians are doing now to Aleppo is exactly what they did to Grozny, suggesting a parallel between past and current events.

The UK Government need immediately to halt their airstrikes in Syria, and present Parliament with an alternative coherent plan. We need a sensible strategy—one that actually ensures that the humanitarian situation is not cast aside.

The 275,000 inhabitants of eastern Aleppo are under siege. They are isolated from the outside world, subjected to constant bombardment, and prevented from receiving humanitarian aid. It is time for all these incidents to be properly and fully investigated with a view to assembling the necessary evidence and ensuring that justice is done.

This catastrophe represents a terrible failure of the security order that protects our very civilisation, and that if these prosecutions are not made, a terrible, terrible failure will be laid at our door.

Called to speak but was cut off by Boris Johnson.

Asked questions about removing jihadi fighters from eastern Aleppo, emphasising the need for a political solution and ceasefire to end bombing of civilians in Aleppo.