The shadow Secretary of State inquired about the plans for using the extra time granted by extending the deadline, given that the Government wasted the last six months without progress. He also asked whether there would be a commitment to keep the House more updated on Northern Ireland issues than previous practices.

The MP thanked the Secretary of State for his statement and acknowledged the constructive tone. He noted that Northern Ireland is reeling from Tory dysfunction and stressed the need for clear intentions on how the time will be used, especially given the high inflation and cost of living crisis.

The MP welcomed the proposals and agreed with the need for bravery, leadership, and compromise. He questioned whether a 'bottom-up' review was necessary given the current impasse.

The MP echoed sentiments about Northern Ireland being best governed locally but also stressed the importance of relations between London, Dublin, and the EU. He questioned whether any new settlement on the protocol should ease trade for all UK parts.

The MP questioned the irony of full payment for Sinn Féin MPs who do not attend this House.

The Secretary of State is making a statement under provisions laid out in the New Decade, New Approach agreement. The only part that has not been implemented and honoured by this Government is restoring Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market. There was silence from some when Sinn Féin kept Northern Ireland without a government for three years; now it's time to restore power sharing as an integral part of the United Kingdom.

The state of the Northern Ireland protocol shows that it has not been fully implemented and probably never will be. Might we need to look more grandly and strategically at this question with various interlocutors such as the Republic of Ireland, American allies, European Union and all parties in Northern Ireland about restoring the functioning of the Good Friday agreement?

May I say at the outset that I was never quiet when Sinn Féin kept the institutions of the Good Friday agreement down? Does he not agree it is pretty shameful in the middle of winter when people and businesses are panicking about their bills, one party prevents a Government from being formed in Northern Ireland so we can deal with those issues?

The problem is that we need fundamental change to the Northern Ireland protocol, not least because it challenges the very principles of fairness and a shared future in Northern Ireland. When the Foreign Office negotiates with Europe, will it insist on the equivalence of the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill, which is currently going through the House of Lords?

Three years on, ‘running’ is hardly the expression any of us would use for protocol negotiations. It is important that we now create trust between the European Commission and the UK Government because in the end the protocol must be made to work which will need compromise on all parts.

Whatever the outcome of this necessary delay to the elections issue, will he stand fast by the legislation sponsored by his predecessor to incorporate a statute of limitation in the truth recovery process as a way of ensuring an end to the repeated reinvestigation of former service personnel who served during the troubles?

The British-Irish relationship has been somewhat problematic for a couple of centuries. The Secretary of State needs to make sure those three strands are fully implemented to help us through both this crisis and the forthcoming crisis.

Welcomes the opportunity for dialogue, reconciliation and compromise in Northern Ireland. Asks if all parties should use this time to break the stalemate and restore the Executive before the anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement.

Asks if the Government remains committed to achieving same outcome through negotiations as would be delivered through Northern Ireland Protocol Bill.

Asks for a date when women in Northern Ireland will have access to safe, legal and local abortion services.

Asks if the Secretary of State accepts that there needs to be an end to ransom politics and vetoes and that reforms should allow parties who wish to govern to do so.

Asks if the Secretary of State can assure the House that the coming weeks will see intensive political negotiations with EU to find a landing zone for institutional reforms.

Welcomes the commitment against joint authority. Asks about the Irish Government’s role in any reforms.

Asks if the Secretary of State will allow transparent exploration by parties of Assembly reforms to incentivise compromise.

Suggests the need for reform of the Assembly if good faith is absent.

Critiques the reduction of MLA salaries as sanction for not forming an Administration. Also critiques Brexit's impact on Northern Ireland governance.

I thank the Secretary of State for his statement. It is a matter for the Secretary of State if he wishes to call or not to call an election and legislate here in this House for that purpose. He brought the focus on to himself. Does he recognise that Unionism is ready to renew and strengthen our mandate, but only when the protocol is replaced with arrangements that Unionists support and are behind? It will be an election for nothing, as he and others have said, and elections are the bedrock of democracy, but, unlike others, we will readily take our case to the electorate and win again.

The UK voted for Brexit, but not to leave the single market—just to leave the political union—and Northern Ireland did neither, so will the Government consider the UK converging with a view to eventually re-joining the single market, so that the Good Friday agreement and peace are protected, Northern Ireland governance is resumed, trade is supported and international law is respected?

I agree with the Secretary of State that we need to get devolved Government restored to Northern Ireland, although he must understand that the basis of restoring devolved Government is that the terms for that Government to be restored have to be adhered to, namely, that the principle of consent is adhered to and accepted, and of course, no Unionist who would have to implement the agreement in the Assembly is prepared to do so. I do not share the Secretary of State’s optimism, by the way, that it would solve all the economic problems. The £600 million hole in the budget was caused by the Assembly when it was sitting and could not agree a budget, so I would not be too optimistic about that. However, can he give me an assurance about the promise made by the Prime Minister? He said: “Under my leadership, the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill will continue to make its way through Parliament. If negotiation with the EU doesn’t deliver what we need it to, the bill will become law.” The Bill required that European Court of Justice jurisdiction in Northern Ireland be removed, that EU law would no longer apply in Northern Ireland, except for those firms that volunteered, and that the trade restrictions would be removed. Can he assure us that that is what he needs to see from the negotiations with the EU?

How is the Secretary of State going to address the issue of the public sector pay deals that have not been implemented in Northern Ireland? Will that be addressed as part of the legislation coming before this House?

I was surprised that the Secretary of State did not correct the hon. Member for Blackpool South (Scott Benton), who said that Sinn Fein MPs receive their salaries. Of course, quite rightly, they do not receive their salaries because they do not come and do their work in this House. The current impasse is affecting this House. I served on the draft Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading Scheme (Amendment) (No. 3) Order 2022 on Monday, but it applied only to Great Britain, as Northern Ireland’s part of that important measure for the environment could not be implemented because of the lack of the working institutions in Northern Ireland. Unfortunate as it is if he is going to dock the pay of MLAs, particularly those who are willing to do their full shift, what percentage is he intending to dock from their pay?