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Asked another MP to justify her position on why she is not supporting the bill in Committee. Emphasised the need for cross-party cooperation to improve the Bill.
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Defended the drafting of the Bill, arguing that it aligns with existing redundancy legislation. Suggested a more collaborative approach to refining the Bill in Committee.
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Warned that strict regulations could discourage businesses from hiring or scaling up, potentially harming employment opportunities.
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Questioned why British Airways would not negotiate temporary changes instead of resorting to fire and rehire practices, highlighting concerns about corporate responsibility.
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Criticised IAG for using profits to justify unfair employment practices, arguing that such actions do not align with workers' interests.
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Suggested looking at fire and rehire as a last resort and recommended detailed scrutiny in Committee to ensure thorough evaluation of the Bill.
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Supported the spirit of the Bill, arguing that it aims to discourage unfair fire and rehire practices rather than banning them outright.
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He expressed concerns about the bill's potential impact on businesses, particularly in terms of pace and flexibility during financial crises. He cited his own experience where he had to reduce workforce from 200 to 65 due to a significant downturn. He argued that excessive delays and legal challenges could have caused business failure. Hollinrake is against fire and rehire practices by profitable businesses, but feels the bill may be too restrictive and flawed.
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She intervened to clarify that redundancy payments under current law do not necessarily provide adequate compensation, referencing section 98(1)(b) of the Employment Rights Act 1996. She pointed out that businesses can dismiss employees without providing redundancy pay-offs.
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He intervened to clarify that the debate was not about good practices but rather exploitative fire and rehire tactics used by profit-making businesses. He argued that these tactics put undue pressure on employees, especially during the pandemic.
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She intervened to emphasise that fire and rehire can be worse than outright dismissal without redundancy payments, causing immense stress for employees. She highlighted the unfairness of such practices.
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He argued that laws requiring employers to train rather than dismiss employees would be beneficial for productivity and economic growth, citing comparative data from Germany.
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He asked Hollinrake if he understood the shadow minister's intent to end rather than ban fire and rehire practices, showing concern for precise legal language.
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He expressed concern about the bill’s operational feasibility due to potential legal challenges. He suggested that for effective legislation, it must be practical and enforceable.
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He clarified that the bill does not require disclosure of all information but rather specific data necessary for proper consultations about business futures, disagreeing with Hollinrake's interpretation.
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Stressed that a Second reading debate should be wide-ranging and not overly detailed, suggesting that issues raised by lawyers regarding interpretation of clauses belong in Committee rather than at this stage. Suggested that opposition MPs are highlighting problematic aspects due to losing the argument.
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Argued that if debates were limited based on potential legal interpretations, no Bills would pass. Emphasised that detailed wording debates belong in Committee.
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Briefly agreed with Clive Efford's point, reinforcing the idea that specific wording debates should be left for Committee.
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Asked Rosie Winterton to provide more information on the financial and staffing costs associated with an increase in employment cases due to the proposed legislation. Highlighted concerns about resource implications for courts.
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Agreed with earlier points and further argued that clauses allowing retrospective variation of contracts are objectionable as they effectively allow one party to change the contract unilaterally, which is against court rulings.
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Sponsor of the Bill, supports it to protect workers from fire and rehire practices. Criticises the Government for lack of action on this issue despite cross-party support. Emphasises that countries with better employment rights have stronger economies.
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Mr. Fuller expressed that the UK is already a good place to work due to government measures, such as commitment to living wage and reducing gender pay gap. He highlighted the exceptional nature of the COVID-19 period which necessitated unique business practices. The Bill's focus on fire and rehire, which he considers an unusual practice even during COVID, could be problematic if it becomes regular legislation. Fuller also emphasised the challenges companies faced in securing capital during lockdowns, suggesting that this made drastic measures such as fire and rehire necessary for survival.
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Clarified that the bill aims to end fire and rehire as a tactic rather than banning it altogether. Argued against the notion of capitalism being perfect, asserting that disreputable employers exploit workers under its guise.
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Suggested that alternatives to capitalist practices have not proven successful elsewhere. Questioned the efficacy of a code of practice in addressing fire and rehire.
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Highlighted unemployment statistics in European countries, arguing against the link between flexible labour markets and low unemployment.
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Criticised the effectiveness of a code of practice in preventing firms from circumventing laws, citing examples like British Airways and Clarks.
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Emphasised the impact of fire and rehire on workers' security during the pandemic. Cited TUC data showing that one in ten workers faced contract changes due to fire and rehire. Called for immediate action against this practice.
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Suggested voting for the bill with the intention of making amendments in committee to strengthen it further.
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Linked fire and rehire practices to child poverty, arguing that addressing this issue is crucial for levelling up.
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Highlighted the importance of employment rights from day one in improving workers' conditions.
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Dromey supports the Bill, arguing it will significantly lessen the danger to workers. He draws on his experience as deputy general-secretary of the Transport and General Workers’ Union where he witnessed similar issues with gangmasters in agriculture and fisheries. Dromey emphasises that the use of a private Member’s Bill is appropriate for such matters and cites the successful precedent set by the Gangmasters (Licensing) Bill, which established the Gangmasters Licensing Authority. He stresses the importance of acting on consensus when there are clear injustices towards workers.
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The Minister argues against the need for primary legislation, emphasising that current measures address workers' rights. He supports a code of practice to prevent bullying tactics while preserving employer flexibility. He mentions ongoing actions such as publishing guidance and quantitative evidence from ACAS.
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The Member interjected, asking the Minister to clarify that Government Members are against abusive fire and rehire practices. He emphasised the importance of a clear stance.
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The Member questioned whether the Minister intends to block the bill through procedural means, expressing frustration with the lack of legislative action.
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The Member pressed for a timeline on when the Government plans to introduce employment legislation addressing unfair workplace practices.
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The Member criticised the Minister for failing to take concrete actions despite acknowledging issues with fire and rehire. He highlighted the urgent need for legal protections.
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The Member took away a message that the Government understands the issue and will address it promptly, supporting the Minister's stance.
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The Member clarified that Laura Farris is an experienced barrister. He emphasised that effective law must work on the ground, avoiding unnecessary legal costs.
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The Member reassured that there are already protections for those dismissed unfairly and warned against misleading claims about lack of protection.
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The Member highlighted disproportionate impacts on ethnic minority workers, emphasising urgency for protections given their higher vulnerability during pandemics.
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Scully argued against the proposed amendment, highlighting that the Government is considering evidence before taking action. He emphasised the importance of a flexible labour market to support economic recovery post-pandemic. He cited ACAS reports and surveys indicating limited use of fire and rehire practices, noting concerns about the unintended consequences such as increased administrative burdens on employers. Scully supported existing employment protections and suggested that ACAS guidance could be more effective than legislation in addressing misuse of fire and rehire.
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Dowd interjected to reference a House of Commons Library report suggesting that current employment law disproportionately favours employers. He questioned whether Scully agrees with this assessment.
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Davies sought to interrupt but was not given time by Paul Scully.
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Elphicke suggested that positive and collaborative working between unions and employers, as seen in negotiations with P&O Ferries in Dover and Deal during the pandemic, could be a model for balancing rights and interests. This interjection highlighted an alternative approach within the current framework.
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Howarth questioned whether alternatives to primary legislation, such as those used for abolishing child labour and implementing equal pay, could be applied to addressing fire and rehire practices.
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Gardiner challenged Scully's use of the JDE case at Banbury as a positive example, highlighting the severe stress experienced by workers and their families during negotiations.
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Bell suggested that with current low unemployment rates, mistreated employees can seek better conditions elsewhere through normal market forces.
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Clarke-Smith supported Scully's view, expressing concern that the Bill could add to existing burdens on employers and employment tribunals.
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Morris questioned how many employees have been able to achieve redress through current arrangements versus potential benefits of a Bill to end fire and rehire.